Cost of power: Inside Nigeria’s politics of caucuses, cash, godfathers

Cost of power: Inside Nigeria’s politics of caucuses, cash, godfathers

From caucus politics and godfather networks to the staggering cost of staying relevant as a politician, this first part of a political analysis series by DARE AKOGUN & OLUFEMI ADEDIRAN examines what it takes to secure elective office in the country long before voters cast their ballots

The journey to elective office does not begin at the ballot box. It begins with an inspiration and interest in a political party as a vehicle to achieve a goal long concealed in the deepest part of the heart.

This is followed by aligning with a caucus in the party, ward gatherings, elite consultations and quiet negotiations, which culminate in a strong political movement, alliances and awareness that shape the choice of a party’s candidate.

From councillorship to the presidency, aspirants must first survive a complex internal ecosystem shaped by power blocs, loyalty networks, financial muscle and, in many cases, political godfathers.

Interviews with politicians who have contested elections reveal a sobering reality: beyond ideology and popularity, the architecture of party power often revolves around deep pockets and the ability to compromise party leadership, either through inducement, promises or loyalty.

According to the Director-General of Media and Communications for Kwara State Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq’s 2019 campaign, Abdulrasheed Akogun, influence within a political party is neither organic nor accidental. It is structured, negotiated and sustained.

The 2023 House of Assembly aspirant under the All Progressives Congress stated that many outsiders misunderstand party politics by assuming that mere registration or grassroots popularity automatically translates into power.

In reality, he explained, parties are layered ecosystems built around caucuses and organised clusters of influence that function as internal governments within the party.

Membership of such caucuses, he noted, creates an “organic, almost religious-like support base,” where loyalty is institutional rather than emotional.

“Building influence within political parties in Nigeria is heavily determined by two separate but equally conjoined parameters: membership of a caucus and deep pockets. There are elders’ caucuses, youth caucuses, women caucuses, religious caucuses and sometimes informal blocs formed around strong political personalities. These caucuses are not ceremonial; they are strategic. They deliberate, decide and project,” he said.

But caucus politics often overlaps with what critics call godfatherism, which is why Akogun said understanding internal alignments is critical before declaring ambition as an aspirant.

Findings by Sunday PUNCH show that the leadership of caucuses is often made up of experienced politicians, office holders or financiers.

They leverage their visibility and influence to shape outcomes of political activities. In many cases, they mirror godfatherism, especially when a single dominant political figure is involved.

Financial capacity remains a decisive factor in achieving any political aspiration. Akogun who is currently a house of Assembly aspirant under the APC ahead of the 2027 election described a culture of continuous obligation  from sponsoring ward meetings and party congresses to contributing to members’ weddings, naming ceremonies, hospital bills, religious programmes and festive celebrations.

“Politics is highly capital intensive. It is not theory; it is practical. Once you stop giving, your visibility reduces,” he said.

Analysts maintain that an aspirant must maintain financial presence not just during the political season but throughout the entire cycle. If the aspirant disappears after elections and only reappears to contest for the party’s ticket, political pundits say he or she is deemed unserious or rejected.

“You must make yourself inevitable. You must build sympathy, followership and grassroots appeal to the point where ignoring you becomes politically costly,” Akogun said.

However, another analyst, Musa Buko, a Peoples Democratic Party House of Representatives candidate for Baruten/Kaiama in the 2023 election in Kwara State, argues that influence inside a political party does not begin with money or blocs. It begins with reputation.

From his perspective, Sunday PUNCH notes that aspirants who attempt to buy visibility without first earning credibility often struggle to command lasting loyalty within party ranks.

“To build real influence in a party, one must have good character and established community integrity; that is the foundation. Being present in community activities is key, whether through physical presence or strategic engagement. If the people do not know you, if party members do not trust you, money alone will not sustain your relevance. An established power bloc in the party already has structures. A wise politician cannot afford not to align. Doing otherwise amounts to swimming against the tide,” he said.

Unlike Akogun’s transactional framing, Buko situates power blocs within a broader institutional logic. In his view, what many critics label as “godfatherism” is often simply the natural hierarchy of influence within organised systems.

He argues that internal party dominance by governors or long-standing leaders reflects structural consolidation rather than mere conspiracy.

“In every profession or business, there are senior, most experienced and powerful elites who hold significant influence. Politics is not different. In many states, local government and ward executives are under the control of the governor as party leader. That is the political tradition,” Buko said.

In all of this, he insists, the place of God cannot be overemphasised. “Power belongs to God. Whatever is destined for one will certainly come to pass, irrespective of caucuses,” he added.

On financial expectations, Buko diverges subtly from the purely capital-driven narrative. He does not deny that money matters. Instead, he reframes it as generosity and relational investment rather than outright transactional politics.

Findings and analysis by political experts show that there is no specific estimate of the amount that can be expended on pre-aspiration pursuits or awareness building within a party. It is open-ended spending, and it is not limited to money.

“What you may call ‘informal dues’ can be kindness, good character and generosity towards party men and women,” Buko said.

However, internal party mobilisation must balance material support with ideological commitment, according to analysts. Ideology plays a significant role in party mobilisation; it is not purely transactional.

“People are watching  the leadership, stakeholders, members. These things determine many outcomes regarding aspirants. In other words, internal party survival is not merely about writing cheques; it is about building credibility over time.

“Aspirants who become rebellious against the existing system may find it very difficult or impossible to survive therein,” Buko said.

This aligns with Akogun’s warning about confronting entrenched godfathers. The difference lies in emphasis: where Akogun stresses structural arithmetic and financial endurance, Buko foregrounds moral capital and relational loyalty.

Yet, both converge on a central truth: influence inside Nigerian political parties is rarely accidental. It is cultivated through alignment, sustained presence and strategic negotiation within established power networks.

In Buko’s framing, however, the aspirant is not merely a financier seeking a ticket but a long-term stakeholder seeking legitimacy within a political family.

He said, “Funding alone does not carry the day. If it were so, whoever has the biggest war chest would always win. That is not always the case.”

His position introduces nuance into the broader debate about the cost of politics in the country.

While money and blocs dominate the structure, he suggests that credibility, loyalty and ideological alignment still matter, even within a system widely criticised as transactional.

The Financial Marathon

From analysts’ perspectives, if caucus alignment is the first currency of party politics, money is the second. There is no gainsaying the fact that politics is highly capital intensive.

A former governorship campaign Director-General in Oyo State, who requested anonymity, estimated that a serious governorship bid could exceed N30bn, excluding litigation expenses.

The politician described politics as a marathon with constantly revised budgets. Campaign spending intensifies as primaries approach, and election-day logistics often exceed months of prior campaign costs.

“To become a governor in Nigeria, you must have a very broad war chest. N10bn does not guarantee you the governorship seat. The money deployed on election day is more than what you spend over months of campaign,” he added.

While party insiders focus on caucuses and financial stamina, a former Publicity Secretary of the PDP in Ogun State, Akinloye Bankole, situates the rising cost of political participation within the structural demands of democracy itself.

For him, the expense of politics in the country is not merely a cultural flaw but a systemic consequence of democratic inclusion.

Unlike authoritarian systems where decisions are concentrated in a small elite circle, democratic systems require broad consultation. Every stakeholder from ward members to state delegates expects to be heard, persuaded and mobilised.

“Democracy as a system of government is a very expensive one because it involves a lot of people. You need direct and indirect engagement and constant interface with the people. In a democracy, the cost of popular participation is huge. Everybody matters. Democracy involves a lot of people, a lot of time and a huge amount of money,” he added.

Bankole argues that the scale of the country’s 36 states, 774 local governments and over 176,000 polling units amplifies the financial burden.

“To become President of Nigeria, you must travel round the country, meet stakeholders across the states and the FCT. You move with an entourage. You pay for transportation, accommodation, media visibility and logistics.

“The same principle applies at subnational levels.

“To become governor of a state, you must consult widely traditional rulers, party leaders, youth groups, women groups, business stakeholders. All of this requires enormous logistics,” Bankole said.

According to him, campaign expenses are only part of the financial equation. Consultation tours, mobilisation meetings and stakeholder engagements often consume vast resources before formal campaigns begin.

“What you spend on electioneering campaigns is not half of what you spend on election day,” he added.

Election day, in his assessment, is the climax of months of logistical preparation transportation of agents, coordination of volunteers, communication infrastructure and monitoring mechanisms.

Bankole’s argument reframes the debate: the cost of politics is not only a function of corruption or transactional culture; it is partly embedded in the operational demands of large-scale democracy.

Yet critics counter that while democracy is inherently expensive, Nigeria’s internal party structures and delegate systems intensify those costs beyond global norms.